Goliath versus Goliath: EU Democracy Promotion in the Eastern Neighbourhood and Russia&#039;s Alternative Agenda

Dr. Bogdana Depo

doi:10.5771/9783748900030

Summary

„Goliath versus Goliath“ ist eine treffende Beschreibung der gegenläufigen Bemühungen der EU und Russlands, ihre jeweiligen Ziele in ihrer gemeinsamen Nachbarschaft zu fördern. Die Demokratisierung der EU und die alternative Agenda Russlands in dieser Region werden mit Hilfe einer realistischen Machtgleichgewichtsthese verglichen. Die Politik und die Strategien der EU und Russlands sind in normative, wirtschaftliche und militärische Dimensionen unterteilt. Die Autorin fragt nach den Gründen für den mangelnden Erfolg der Demokratisierungsagenda der EU in den Ländern der Östlichen Partnerschaft (Armenien, Aserbaidschan, Weißrussland, Georgien, Moldawien und der Ukraine) zwischen 1991 bis 2016.

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Bibliographic data

Edition: 1/2019
Copyright Year: 2019
ISBN-Print: 978-3-8487-5870-8
ISBN-Online: 978-3-7489-0003-0
Publisher: Nomos, Baden-Baden
Series: Studies on the European Union
Volume: 15
Language: English
Pages: 283
Product Type: Monograph

Titelei/Inhaltsverzeichnis No access Pages 1 - 12
Introduction No access Pages 13 - 14
Abbreviations No access Pages 15 - 16
1. 1. 1.1.1 Definition of Democracy Promotion No access
  2. 1.1.2 1990-2004: Democratization of the Western NIS No access
  3. 1.1.3 Pre-accession Process – an Instrument of Democratization No access
  4. 1.1.4 2004 Enlargement: an Attempt to Duplicate the Success with New Eastern Neighbours No access
  5. 1.1.5 2009: Launching the Eastern Partnership No access
  6. 1.1.6 2011 ENP Review No access
  7. 1.1.7 2015 ENP Review No access
2. 1. 1.2.1 2003-2005: 'Coloured Revolutions' and Internal Post-Soviet Transformations No access
  2. 1.2.2 2004: Launching the ENP No access
  3. 1.2.3 2010-2011: The Arab Spring: Democracy versus Stability Dilemma No access
  4. 1.2.4 2014: EuroMaidan as a Game-changer No access
  5. 1.2.5 In Search of a New Research Avenue No access
1. 2.1 Liberal Democracy by Francis Fukuyama No access
2. 1. 2.2.1 Testing Democratization in the Neighbourhood No access
  2. 2.2.2 Fukuyama’s Prediction of No Competition to the Liberal Agenda No access
3. 1. 2.3.1 Russia as an Autocracy Promoter No access
  2. 2.3.2 Assumption: Autocracy Versus Democracy Promoter No access
  3. 2.3.3 Any Alternative Assumptions? No access
4. 2.4 The Balance of Power Thesis No access
5. 1. 2.5.1 Step 1: Identifying Balancing through Categories No access
  2. 2.5.2 Step 2: Historical Overview of Balancing No access
6. 1. 2.6.1 Case Studies – a Regional Approach No access
  2. 2.6.2 Qualitative Content Analysis No access
  3. 2.6.3 Political Discourse Analysis No access
  4. 2.6.4 Exploratory Interviews No access
  5. 2.6.5 Structure of the book No access
1. 3.1 EU-Russia Relations: Anticipated Beginning of the Common Path towards Liberal Democracy No access
2. 1. 3.2.1 The Normative Dimension: Introduction of the Region to Democracy No access
  2. 3.2.2 The Economic Dimension: Introducing the Market Economy No access
  3. 3.2.3 The Security Dimension: or ‘The Absence Thereof’ No access
3. 1. 3.3.1 The Normative Dimension: Reinforcing the ‘Inseparable’ Bond of the Soviet past No access
  2. 3.3.2 The Economic Dimension: Re-/Dis-integrating Post-Soviet Space No access
  3. 3.3.3 The Security Dimension: the Military Bond is Stronger than Social Ties No access
1. 4.1 EU-Russia Relations: from Cooperation to Conflict No access
2. 1. 4.2.1 The Normative Dimension: Democratic Values as the Base of Bilateral Relations No access
  2. 4.2.2 The Economic Dimension: from Donor to Partner No access
  3. 4.2.3 The Security Dimension: New Instruments in Addressing the Security Issues No access
3. 1. 4.3.1 The Normative Dimension: Coining the Term ‘Compatriots’ No access
  2. 4.3.2 The Economic Dimension: Held Back by the ‘Ruble Crisis’ No access
  3. 4.3.3 The Security Dimension: ‘As NATO Grows, so do Russia’s Worries’ No access
1. 1. 5.1.1 EU-Russia Relations: from Russia as a ‘Wider Europe’ to Russia as a Strategic Partner No access
  2. 5.1.2 Friction over the Shared Neighbourhood No access
  3. 5.1.3 By 2008 – a New Level of EU-Russia Cooperation No access
2. 1. 5.2.1 The Normative Dimension: Cooperation Based on Common and Shared Values No access
  2. 5.2.2 The Economic Dimension: More Programmes and Pre-Accession Instruments No access
  3. 5.2.3 The Security Dimension: Stability, Security and Well-Being No access
3. 1. 5.3.1 The Normative Dimension: through Passportization to ‘Russkiy Mir’ No access
  2. 5.3.2 The Economic Dimension: Fading Economic Influence No access
  3. 1. 5.3.3.a War Stage 1: The 2006 Economic Blockade against Georgia and Moldova No access
    2. 5.3.3.b War Stage 2: Energy Wars No access
    3. 5.3.3.c WAR 3: 2008 August War in Georgia No access
1. 6.1 Geopolitical Context No access
2. 1. 6.2.1 Multilateral Track No access
  2. 6.2.2 The Bilateral Track No access
3. 6.3 Financial Support for Liberal Democracies in the Eastern Partnership – Support for the Introduction of Association Agreements No access
4. 6.4 Involvement of other International Financial Institutions No access
5. 6.5 The EU’s Vision of Russia’s Involvement No access
1. 7.1 Russia’s Vision of the Eastern Partnership No access
2. 7.2 Russia’s Alternative Projects to the Eastern Partnership No access
3. 1. 7.3.1 Soviet Legacy as a Foundation for Reintegration No access
  2. 7.3.2 The EU’s Institutional Set-Up as a Blueprint No access
4. 1. 7.4.1 The Normative Dimension: Reuniting the ‘Russian World’ by any Means No access
  2. 7.4.2 The Economic Dimension: Doubtful Economic Interest behind the Eurasian Economic Union No access
  3. 7.4.3 The Security Dimension No access
5. 1. 7.5.1 The Normative Dimension: Democratic Values as Western ‘Messianism’ No access
  2. 7.5.2 The Economic Dimension: the EU’s Offer of Economic Integration as Incompatible with Russia’s Projects No access
  3. 7.5.3 The Security Dimension: EU’s Security by Means of NATO’s Expansion to the East as a Threat to Russia No access
1. 1. 8.1.1 Dangerous U-Turn No access
  2. 8.1.2 EU-Armenian Relations after the U-Turn No access
2. 8.2 Azerbaijan No access
3. 1. 8.3.1 Paralyzing Belarus’ Independence through Deep Integration No access
  2. 8.3.2 Rewarded for Loyalty, Punished for Independent Actions No access
4. 1. 8.4.1 ‘Break-Away Regions’ as the Sword of Damocles over Tbilisi No access
  2. 8.4.2 Hitting Georgia’s Strategic Infrastructure No access
  3. 8.4.3 Russia’s Economic Instruments No access
5. 1. 8.5.1 First Threats – Then Economic Embargo No access
  2. 8.5.2 Moldovan Transnistria: Security and Energy Threats No access
  3. 8.5.3 Pressure on Workers No access
  4. 8.5.4 EU’s Support to Moldova No access
6. 1. 8.6.1 A Gas Deal in Exchange for the Black Sea Fleet No access
  2. 8.6.2 Prior to the Association Agreement: Gifts, Threats and Sanctions No access
  3. 8.6.3 The Russia’s Strategy after Ukraine’s Revolution: Fighting Back for its Influence No access
  4. 8.6.4 Russia’s Narratives: Fight for the Future with Ukraine and Against the EU’s Negative Influence No access
  5. 8.6.5 EU’s Attempts to Save Democracy in Ukraine No access
Conclusions No access Pages 225 - 232
Bibliography No access Pages 233 - 283

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