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The Role of the EU and Member States in the Arab Spring

Assessment of Interests and EU Strategy in Tunisia and Libya
Authors:
Publisher:
 2018

Summary

The objective of this thesis is to explain if the way the EU assesses its interests (both norma-tive and rational) and foreign policy goals corresponds to its actions in North Africa during the Arab Spring process. It seeks to understand whether the EU's conduct in the areas of security, economic prosperity and value projection in Tunisia and Libya was based more on material interests or on values by also taking member state involvement into consideration. This study adopts an original approach, using insights from neoclassical realism. The research findings it presents are based on the author's extensive analysis of EU documents, expert interviews, primary sources and secondary literature. The author moved to Ankara after the completion of her doctoral studies in Cologne. Her research interests are EU foreign policy, Turkish foreign policy and foreign policy analysis.



Bibliographic data

Copyright year
2018
ISBN-Print
978-3-8487-4919-5
ISBN-Online
978-3-8452-9132-1
Publisher
Nomos, Baden-Baden
Series
Studies on the European Union
Volume
13
Language
English
Pages
291
Product type
Book Titles

Table of contents

ChapterPages
  1. Titelei/Inhaltsverzeichnis No access Pages 1 - 22
    1. 1.1 The Research Question No access
      1. 1.2.1 Theoretical Relevance No access
      2. 1.2.2 Political Relevance No access
      3. 1.2.3 Social Relevance No access
      1. 1.3.1 Relevant Literature No access
      2. 1.3.2 Overview of the Literature No access
      3. 1.3.3 . Contribution to the Existing Literature No access
    1. 2.1 Neo-classical Realism No access
      1. 2.2.1 Neo realism No access
      2. 2.2.2 Liberal Inter-governmentalism No access
    2. 2.3 Constructivism No access
    3. 2.4 Rationalism vs Constructivism No access
      1. 2.5.1 The EU as a Normative or Strategic/Pragmatic Power? No access
      2. 2.5.2 Why EU Strategy instead of EU Grand Strategy? No access
      3. 2.5.3 Independent Variable: EU’s Assessment of Interests (Normative and Rational Interests) and Foreign Policy Goals No access
      4. 2.5.4 Dependent Variable: EU Policy Implementation No access
      5. 2.5.5 Intervening Variable: Member State Policies No access
    4. 2.6 Alternative Explanations (Hypotheses) No access
    1. 3.1 Case Selection: Selection on an Explanatory Variable No access
    2. 3.2 Description of Data No access
    3. 3.3 Preliminary Answer No access
    1. 4.1 EU-Tunisia Relations No access
      1. 4.2.1 Migration: Weak Responses to Huge Problems No access
      2. 4.2.2 Mobility Partnership: Clashing Interests No access
      1. 4.3.1 Tunisia’s Vulnerable Economic Situation No access
      2. 4.3.2 EU Support for Economic Recovery No access
      3. 4.3.3 Integration of Markets and Trade Liberalization No access
      4. 4.3.4 Investments of EIB and EBRD No access
      5. 4.3.5 High Level Visits to Tunisia No access
      1. 4.4.1 EU’s New and Ambitious Support for Tunisia’s Path up to the Elections No access
      2. 4.4.2 High Level Visits to Tunisia: A Reflection of `More for More` Approach No access
      3. 4.4.3 Political and Social Turmoil in Tunisia No access
      1. 5.2.1 The Protection of UK Nationals and the Very First UK-Tunisia Cooperation in Security No access
      2. 5.2.2 Anti-Immigrant Speeches and Policies of France and Germany No access
      1. 5.3.1 Member States’ Quest for Retaining Lucrative Economic Ties with Tunisia No access
      2. 5.3.2 France’s Ambivalent Response to Changing Tunisia due to High Economic Interests No access
      1. 5.4.1 UK Condemning Violence in Tunisia No access
      2. 5.4.2 UK’s Arab Partnership Fund as the Main Protection against Instability No access
      3. 5.4.3 UK’s Projects on Institution and Capacity Building No access
      4. 5.4.4 France’s Inconsistent Declarations Replaced with Full Support for Democracy and Freedom No access
      5. 5.4.5 France’s Three Priorities and Development Projects No access
      6. 5.4.6 Hollande’s Visits to Tunisia in Times of Critical Political Milestones No access
      7. 5.4.7 Germany’s Investment in Good Governance Education and Capacity Building No access
    1. 6.1 The Construction of the Self (Europe) No access
    2. 6.2 The Construction of the Other (Tunisia) No access
    1. 7.1 EU Strategy in Libya No access
      1. 7.2.1 Libyan Military Intervention: Events Leading to UNSCR 1973 Resolution No access
      2. 7.2.2 EU’s Humanitarian Assistance in support of the UNSCR 1973 Resolution No access
      3. 7.2.3 The Question of Responsibility to Protect? No access
      4. 7.2.4 What’s Next after the R2P Mission? No access
      1. 7.3.1 Repatriation of EU Nationals No access
      2. 7.3.2 Bilateral Agreements and Resettlement of Refugees No access
      3. 7.3.3 Criticism from International Human Rights Organizations No access
      1. 7.4.1 Libya Contact Group Meetings No access
      2. 7.4.2 Istanbul Meeting: Discussion of Libya’s Future Economy No access
      1. 7.5.1 EU’s Restrictive Measures against the Gaddafi Regime No access
      2. 7.5.2 EU’s Immediate Humanitarian Assistance after the Military Intervention No access
      3. 7.5.3 EU’s Wish for a Democratic and Stable Libya as the Next Phase and EU’s `Responsibility to Assist` No access
      4. 7.5.4 Unfreezing Libyan assets No access
      5. 7.5.5 EU’s Long Term Goals in Libya: Security Sector Reform, Training Civil Society and Institution/State Building No access
    1. 8.1 Decision Making Processes Leading to the Military Intervention in Libya No access
      1. 8.2.1 Germany’s Position on Military Intervention in Libya No access
      2. 8.2.2 Horrible Results of the War No access
      3. 8.2.3 Europe in the Face of Migratory Demands No access
    2. 8.3 Economic Prosperity: Previous Economic Relations under Gaddafi vs the Current Business Deals No access
      1. 8.4.1 Addressing the Humanitarian Needs and Rebuilding Libya No access
      2. 8.4.2 What It Means to Help Libya No access
      3. 8.4.3 Calls for Supporting Libya at the G8 Summit No access
      4. 8.4.4 Germany’s Assistance in Libya’s Reconstruction No access
    1. 9.1 The Construction of the Self `Europe` No access
    2. 9.2 The Construction of the Other `Libya` No access
    1. 10.1 EU Policies and Assessment of Interests in Physical Security No access
    2. 10.2 Member State Policies and Assessment of Interests in Physical Security No access
    3. 10.3 Conclusion No access
    4. 10.4 EU Policies and Assessment of Interests in Economic Prosperity No access
    5. 10.5 Member State Policies and Assessment of Interests in Economic Prosperity No access
    6. 10.6 Conclusion No access
    7. 10.7 EU Policies and Assessment of Interests in Value Projection No access
    8. 10.8 Member State Policies and Assessment of Interests in Value Projection No access
    9. 10.9 Conclusion No access
    1. 11.1 EU Policies and Assessment of Interests in Physical Security No access
    2. 11.2 Member State Policies and Assessment of Interests in Physical Security No access
    3. 11.3 Conclusion No access
    4. 11.4 EU Policies and Assessment of Interests in Economic Prosperity No access
    5. 11.5 Member State Policies and Assessment of Interests in Economic Prosperity No access
    6. 11.6 Conclusion No access
    7. 11.7 EU Policies and Assessment of Interests in Value Projection No access
    8. 11.8 Member State Policies and Assessment of Interests in Value Projection No access
    9. 11.9 Conclusion No access
    1. 12.1 The Gap between Rhetoric and Policies in Democratic Transition No access
    2. 12.2 Libya: A Test Case for EU’s Global Actorness No access
    3. 12.3 EU Conditionality in Mobility and Economic Integration No access
    4. 12.4 Future Research No access
  2. Bibliography No access Pages 255 - 288
  3. Appendix I: Interviewee List No access Pages 289 - 290
  4. Appendix II: Coding Scheme No access Pages 291 - 291

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